The wellness optimization trap

    Tracking, restriction and stacked protocols aren't free. They spend attention, sleep, ease with other people and trust in your own body. Past a point, chasing health costs more capacity than it gives back.

    Written by Sami Kovalyov (@mr_holistics)

    Published

    Updated

    11 minute read

    A wearable tracker lying face-up on a bedside table beside a notebook and a row of supplement bottles in early morning light.
    The instruments are accurate. The question is what they're being asked to decide.

    In 1961, Edward Lorenz went back to a stretch of weather his computer had run. Rather than start again, he typed in numbers from a printout of the midpoint. It gave three decimal places where the machine had carried six, a gap finer than any barometer is held to. The second run tracked the first, drifted, then wrote a wholly different month. His paper two years later showed why. A system can be ruled entirely by its own equations and still be impossible to forecast. Gaps too small to detect at the start become gaps too large to ignore at the end.1

    The usual lesson is that small things matter. That's the shallow half. The deeper half is about control. If a system's path bends this much on conditions no one can measure, then steering it by its outputs isn't just hard. It's the wrong kind of move. You can't dial in a result, only change what the system runs on.

    Wellness culture took up the first half and built a market on it. Sleep, rest and readiness all get scores. Variables get tested one at a time on a group of one. The isolation never holds, because you can't hold a life still while you test magnesium.

    The claim is narrower and less comfortable than "balance matters". Past a point, the pursuit of health becomes a source of load rather than of capacity. That point comes sooner than most people in the middle of it would guess. Tracking, restriction, stacked plans and the moral watching that goes with them draw on the same accounts. They spend focus, choices, sleep quality, ease with other people, and trust in your own body. You can pay more for your health than it pays back, and own no instrument that would tell you.

    The machine inheritance

    The optimization frame isn't a fad. It's a habit of mind four hundred years old, at its end point in a consumer product. If a body is a machine, improving it has an obvious grammar. Find the part, measure it, move it the right way, hold it there.

    What breaks the likeness is arithmetic, not philosophy. Many important inputs have no straight-line link with benefit. Below a certain level, nothing adapts. Within a band, the body answers by building capacity. Above the band, the same input does harm. Exercise works this way, and so do heat, cold, eating less and hard mental demand.2 Researchers call this hormesis: a small dose helps, a large dose harms. Machines don't work like this.

    What kills the spreadsheet isn't the curve but where its edges sit. The band moves with the state of the body that gets the input. A training load that builds you up in March is an injury in November.

    The right dose of anything isn't a fact about the input. It's a fact about the body on the morning it lands.

    Lorenz supplies the deeper problem, and it's harder to escape. Starting conditions include sleep, blood sugar, the row from Tuesday that never got settled, and whether the work feels worth doing. Most of that goes unmeasured, some can't be measured at all, and none of it adds up in a line. Any plan that promises a set output from a set input is claiming a straight line the body doesn't have.

    The ledger nobody keeps

    Every health habit has a cost column, and the cost is rarely the habit. It's the upkeep around it: the reading up, the choosing, the timing, the logging, the adjusting. A plan is a set of actions plus the standing load of running it, and the second half is never budgeted for.

    The messengers that let a body meet a demand free up energy and sharpen focus. They also do damage when they run all the time instead of in bursts. The price of adapting is charged for the adapting, not for the event.3 The brain decides what counts as a demand. So what a person expects, and how they read it, drive the response as directly as anything outside them.4 A body can raise a full stress response over something that isn't happening.5

    With that on the table, a readiness score isn't neutral information. Nor is the dinner table where the food on offer sits outside the plan. Each bit of friction is small. Together they never stop, and never stopping is what turns adapting into cost.

    The gains from a health practice are counted in the units the practice measures, and the costs land in units it doesn't. Deep sleep is charted; the flatness at four in the afternoon isn't. The parts of a life that make no readout aren't tracked at all.

    What the measurement does to the measured

    Tracking changes the thing tracked. Wellness rarely does: the sensor is treated as a window, not an input.

    A sleep score sums up a night that's already over. In practice it works as a verdict on the day ahead, and gives a poor night a second route into a poor day. This next part is our reading, not a finding. It follows from the evidence that what a person expects drives the stress response as much as events do.4 A number saying your recovery is poor is news your nervous system must handle.

    A sleep score sums up last night and arrives dressed as a verdict on the day ahead.

    Heart rate variability is the sharper case: meaningful across many readings, slippery in any one. What reaches the user is one number, in a colour, first thing, easy to read as a moral grade. A low figure becomes proof about the kind of person you've been.

    Killingsworth and Gilbert pinged people at random through ordinary days. Minds were off the task at hand close to half the time. Attention elsewhere went with lower reported happiness, even when the elsewhere was pleasant. Their timing analysis pointed to the wandering coming first and the mood drop following.6 They weren't studying self-monitoring, so reading their work across is our inference, not theirs. Watching yourself steadily may work quite unlike a mind drifting off task. Even so, a practice that installs a running note on the body spends focus, and focus is what presence is paid for.

    The clinical edge of a continuum

    For twenty years researchers have tried to describe where the pursuit of healthy eating stops being healthy. The physician Steven Bratman named that pattern orthorexia nervosa in the late 1990s and wrote a book on it in 2000. In his account, the pursuit of pure eating turns into the problem itself.7 Dunn and Bratman later put forward formal criteria. They named an obsessive focus on healthy eating, distress around food, and clear harm such as malnutrition or a serious break in daily life.8

    Cena and colleagues reviewed the field and found no agreed definition. They found screening tools that differ so much that estimates of how many people have it swing wildly. Whether the pattern is a condition of its own remains in dispute. It may be a variant of a known eating disorder, or something the tools themselves are making.9 It appears in neither of the two diagnostic manuals in clinical use.

    None of this is a checklist. Don't measure yourself against those criteria. The people who wrote them can't yet agree on what they capture. Sizing yourself up from an essay is a bad idea in both directions. The research matters because it proves what the market denies by leaving it out. This is a quantity that can be too high. There's a far end, and a far end means a continuum. Everyone who practises sits somewhere on it.

    The borrowed steadiness

    One pattern makes this much harder to see from the inside. A person can use the capacity they have in one part of life to quiet the signals from another. A training block can soak up what an unfinished talk at home would otherwise raise. The habits aren't wrong. Most are truly good, which is what makes the swap so hard to see.

    What separates support from swap is direction. Is the strong area buying time for the strained one to be dealt with, or is it replacing the need to deal with it? The body logs the drop in arousal either way, and the relief is real. It's simply not the same event as the load going down. Moved strain builds up where it was moved from, and the practice doing the moving takes on a cost of its own.3

    The reliable tell is dose. When the same practice needs more force, or needs doing more often, to give the same steadiness, the thing behind it has grown. This culture hides that signal well, because every step up reads as seriousness. Needing more of a plan looks like drive rather than news.

    When the same practice needs a larger dose to give the same steadiness, the thing behind it has grown rather than shrunk.

    What the willpower literature actually shows

    The optimization story needs a mechanism, and the one it borrowed was self-control as a fuel tank.

    In 1998, Baumeister and colleagues found that using self-control on one task made people worse at an unrelated task straight after. They named the effect ego depletion.10 It became the implied physics behind streaks, discipline and decision fatigue.

    Then other scientists ran the same test and got nothing. More than twenty labs used one shared method, filed in advance, and found an effect indistinguishable from zero.11 That doesn't prove self-control is imaginary. It does mean the fuel-tank account is in deep trouble, and that much popular advice rests on it. No agreed mechanism has taken the resource model's place.

    Inzlicht and Schmeichel argued that what looks like depletion is better read as a shift in motive and focus. After long effort the system re-sorts what it'll fund, tilting from what it must do toward what it wants to do.12 That account is still being tested rather than settled. It moves the question from how much willpower is left to what the system judges to be worth funding.

    The most damaging finding is quieter than either. Milyavskaya and Inzlicht followed people chasing their own goals over several months. The ones who reached their goals weren't the ones using more effortful restraint. Effortful self-control went with feeling depleted and didn't go with success. What went with success was having fewer temptations in the first place.13

    The limits matter. The people studied were students, and they reported on themselves. The design shows what went together, not what caused what, and it needs testing in other groups and other stages of life. Still, read against an industry that sells hard restraint as the engine of success, the finding is close to an indictment.

    The people who reached their goals hadn't resisted harder. They had less to resist.

    Deci and Ryan split behaviour a person keeps up because it feels their own from behaviour kept up by control. The two behave unlike each other over time.14 A rule you enforce against yourself has an enforcer in it, and the enforcing costs something.

    Improving the habitat

    The plain objection is that this sounds like leave to stop trying. It isn't. Too little input wears capacity down as surely as too much: the band has a floor as well as a ceiling.2 Nothing here says do less. It says do something else in kind.

    Optimization works on outputs: the score, the figure, the trend line. The other way works on conditions. What's the body being asked to do, what's it being given, and what's in the way? Some of what's in the way turns out to be the health practice itself. That's the hard part to face.

    This is a threshold argument, not a blanket one, and the threshold moves. A person who learns from a tracker that late alcohol wrecks their sleep has bought real news cheaply. The failure begins when the measure becomes the goal. It deepens when the number takes on moral weight. It completes when the kit for making health eats more capacity than it frees. No one knows where that point sits for a given person, or whether it stays put across a life. There's only a judgement to be made again from time to time, without a readout.

    The same warning holds for taking things away. "Remove the interference" can be picked up as a fresh target, chased with the same watching, scoring and moral weight. The frame survives most attempts to escape it, because it isn't about health. It's about the belief that a life answers to management.

    The difficulty is arithmetic, not moral. A practice built around what can be measured will steadily underrate what can't. Nearly everything that decides whether a person has capacity sits in the second group. Whether the work is bearable. Whether the people in your life are safe enough to be honest with. Whether any of it feels worth getting up for. None of that makes a graph. All of it reaches the graphs in the end, months later, as a decline no one can trace.

    A system this sensitive can't be steered from the dashboard. It can only be given better conditions and then left, truly left, to organise itself around them. That means putting up with a stretch of time in which nothing is being shown. The dashboard wins because it has something to do this morning. The habitat argument offers only this. The best week your body has had in a year may produce no data at all. Your own practice will have decided, in advance, not to count it.

    The state of the evidence

    What we know, what we think, and what we don't

    What is well established

    • In systems where cause and effect don't run in a straight line, differences at the start that are far too small to measure lead to later behaviour different enough to make long-range prediction impossible. This is a mathematical result, not a metaphor.
    • The body's own stress chemistry lets it meet a demand. Run continuously rather than in bursts, that chemistry imposes measurable costs of its own, and those costs are separate from the costs of the demand.
    • Many biological inputs don't have a straight-line dose response. The same input builds capacity within one range and does damage above it.
    • The original ego-depletion effect didn't replicate. A large study across many labs, using one shared procedure registered in advance, didn't get the same result.

    What evidence is emerging

    • The finding that reaching goals tracks having fewer temptations, rather than exerting more effortful restraint, comes from work that followed students over time. It relies on what people reported about themselves, and it awaits testing in other groups and other stages of life.
    • Orthorexia nervosa is described in a growing clinical literature. The field has no agreed definition, no instrument agreed across research groups, and no place in current diagnostic manuals.
    • The proposal that apparent depletion is a shift in motivation and attention, rather than a resource running out, is a plausible revision. It's still under active investigation, and no agreed mechanism has taken the resource model's place.

    Our interpretation

    • We read this result as a general argument against controlling outputs. If a system's path is this sensitive to conditions that can't be fully measured, then improving its conditions fits the system better than tuning what it produces.
    • This is our reading, not a finding: a health practice belongs on both sides of the ledger. The attention, the deciding, the watchfulness and the social friction it uses should be counted as load, not treated as free.
    • We read the dose of a health behaviour as more telling than its content. Needing more of the same practice to reach the same steadiness is a signal about the load underneath it. The evidence suggests this. It doesn't prove it.

    What remains uncertain

    • Nobody knows where the crossover point sits for any particular person, or whether it stays in one place across seasons of a life. The threshold this piece argues for has, at present, no measure.
    • Whether self-tracking creates health anxiety, or anxious people track more heavily, isn't settled by the research available. In everyday use the direction is genuinely open, and it may well run both ways at once.
    • How much of the orthorexia construct captures a distinct pattern, and how much is ordinary careful eating scored by instruments that can't tell the two apart, is unsettled among the researchers who build those instruments.
    • Extending findings about wandering attention to deliberate self-monitoring is our inference, not the researchers'. The studies didn't look at self-monitoring, and sustained self-observation may behave quite differently from a mind drifting off task.

    Sources

    1. 1.
      Edward N. Lorenz (1963). Deterministic Nonperiodic Flow. Journal of the Atmospheric Sciences 20(2):130–141
    2. 2.
      Mark P. Mattson (2008). Hormesis Defined. Ageing Research Reviews 7(1):1–7
    3. 3.
      Bruce S. McEwen (1998). Protective and Damaging Effects of Stress Mediators. New England Journal of Medicine 338(3):171–179View source
    4. 4.
      Bruce S. McEwen (2007). Physiology and Neurobiology of Stress and Adaptation: Central Role of the Brain. Physiological Reviews 87(3):873–904
    5. 5.
      Robert M. Sapolsky (2004). Why Zebras Don't Get Ulcers. Henry Holt, 3rd edition
    6. 6.
      Matthew A. Killingsworth, Daniel T. Gilbert (2010). A Wandering Mind Is an Unhappy Mind. Science 330(6006):932
    7. 7.
      Steven Bratman, David Knight (2000). Health Food Junkies. Broadway Books
    8. 8.
      Thomas M. Dunn, Steven Bratman (2016). On Orthorexia Nervosa: A Review of the Literature and Proposed Diagnostic Criteria. Eating Behaviors 21:11–17
    9. 9.
      Hellas Cena, Friederike Barthels, Massimo Cuzzolaro, et al. (2019). Definition and Diagnostic Criteria for Orthorexia Nervosa: A Narrative Review of the Literature. Eating and Weight Disorders 24(2):209–246
    10. 10.
      Roy F. Baumeister, Ellen Bratslavsky, Mark Muraven, Dianne M. Tice (1998). Ego Depletion: Is the Active Self a Limited Resource?. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 74(5):1252–1265
    11. 11.
      Martin S. Hagger, Nikos L. D. Chatzisarantis, Hugo Alberts, et al. (2016). A Multilab Preregistered Replication of the Ego-Depletion Effect. Perspectives on Psychological Science 11(4):546–573
    12. 12.
      Michael Inzlicht, Brandon J. Schmeichel (2012). What Is Ego Depletion? Toward a Mechanistic Revision of the Resource Model of Self-Control. Perspectives on Psychological Science 7(5):450–463
    13. 13.
      Marina Milyavskaya, Michael Inzlicht (2017). What's So Great About Self-Control? Examining the Importance of Effortful Self-Control and Temptation in Predicting Real-Life Depletion and Goal Attainment. Social Psychological and Personality Science 8(6):603–611
    14. 14.
      Edward L. Deci, Richard M. Ryan (2000). The 'What' and 'Why' of Goal Pursuits: Human Needs and the Self-Determination of Behavior. Psychological Inquiry 11(4):227–268

    Where a source is listed without a link, it is a book or an older paper without a stable public identifier. We link to the original work rather than to coverage of it. Read our editorial standards.

    Subjectsoptimizationself-trackingstressself-controlwellness-culture

    Get the Haven Journal

    Weekly insights on nervous system health, the 7 dynamics, and practical tools for thriving — free.

    No spam. Unsubscribe anytime.